© 2003 American Public Health Association
Jacqueline W. Lucas is with the Division of Health Interview Statistics, National Center for Health Statistics, Centers for Disease Control and Prevention, Hyattsville, Md. At the time of the study, Daheia Barr-Anderson was with the Division of Health Interview Statistics, National Center for Health Statistics, and Raynard S. Kington was with the National Institutes of Health, Bethesda, Md. Correspondence: Requests for reprints should be sent to Raynard S. Kington, MD, PhD, National Institutes of Health, Building 1, Room 126, 1 Center Dr, Bethesda, MD 20892 (e-mail: kingtonr{at}od.nih.gov).
Objectives. This study sought to describe the health status, health insurance, and health care utilization patterns of the growing population of immigrant Black men. Methods. We used data from the 19972000 National Health Interview Survey to examine and then compare health variables of foreign-born Black men with those of US-born Black and White men. Logistic regression analyses were used to examine health outcomes. Results. Foreign-born Black men were in better overall health than their US-born Black counterparts and were much less likely than either US-born Black or White men to report adverse health behaviors. Despite these health advantages, foreign-born Black men were more likely than either US-born Black or White men to be uninsured. Conclusions. In the long term, immigrant Black men who are in poor health may be adversely affected by lack of health care coverage.
The recent growth in research on racial and ethnic health disparities in the United States has led to an increasing awareness of the substantial heterogeneity within large racial/ethnic populations. For example, health status varies widely across subgroups within Hispanic and Asian populations.14 Within the Black population, 1 of the largest clearly defined subgroups is the immigrant population. As the public health community begins to identify the health patterns of Black men, it is important to assess the specific health characteristics of foreign-born men of African descent. The Black immigrant population is a growing subgroup of the Black population, and the health status of these foreign-born Blacks may differ substantially from that of US-born Blacks. The public health community must know more about the health characteristics of immigrant Blacks for policy and planning purposes. The total US immigrant population has increased by more than 50% within the last decade,5 and foreign-born individuals now account for approximately 11% of the US population, the largest percentage since the 1930s.5,6 Although a small flow of Black immigrants into the US began as early as the late 1800s, that flow decreased for several decades beginning in the late 1920s, after the passage of restrictive immigration laws and the onset of the Great Depression. However, the flow of Black immigrants increased substantially following the liberalization of immigration laws in 1965.7,8 Between 1970 and 1990, the percentage of foreign-born Black Americans increased more than fourfold (from 1.1% to 4.9%), whereas the percentage of foreign-born White Americans remained stable, at approximately 5%.9 By 2000, 2.2 million foreign-born Blacks resided in the United States (6.3% of the total Black population), and another 1.4 million Blacks (3.9%) had at least 1 foreign-born parent. Thus, 10.1% of nonHispanic Blacks in the United States were either foreign born or had at least 1 foreign-born parent. However, 10.9% of non-Hispanic Whites were either foreign born (7.0 million persons; 3.6%) or had at least 1 foreign-born parent (14.1 million persons; 7.3%).6 Although the majority of Black immigrants have historically come from the West Indies, in recent years the number of immigrants from Africa has grown significantly.10 In general, foreign-born populations in the United States are healthier than their US-born counterparts,1114 and the extant literature suggests a pattern of better health for foreign-born Black men compared with their US-born counterparts.1519 By some measures, the health of foreign-born Black men is comparable to or better than that of US-born White men; however, little is known about the health insurance coverage or the health care utilization patterns of Black immigrant men. Our analysis describes general health and functional status patterns, health insurance patterns, and health care utilization patterns of foreign-born non-Hispanic Black men, and we compare these patterns with those of US-born non-Hispanic Black and White men.
Data Source Our study was based on data from the 19972000 National Health Interview Survey (NHIS).20 The NHIS is a national household survey of the civilian noninstitutionalized population of the United States that is conducted annually by the National Center for Health Statistics. Data are collected on the personal, socioeconomic, and health variables of family members and unrelated individuals in surveyed households. The NHIS followed a multistage probability design with continuous weekly sampling; areas with larger populations of Black and Hispanic households were oversampled. In 1997, the NHIS implemented a major redesign of the survey, the focus of which was to increase the reliance on self-reported data and to improve the measurement of health status and chronic conditions.21 In the years 1997 to 2000, the total sample consisted of 172 129 interviewed households and gathered data on 398 938 persons. The overall response rate among eligible households was 89% to 92%. Because of the distinctive health, demographic, and cultural characteristics of Hispanic populations in the United States, we restricted the sample for this study to non-Hispanic foreign-born Black men, non-Hispanic US-born Black men, and non-Hispanic US-born White men. We also excluded men aged 17 years and younger, resulting in a total sample size of 97 345 men.
General Health and Functional Status We analyzed 1 measure of functional status as defined by the NHIS. An overall measure of functional limitations (having any limitation in an activity) was based on affirmative responses to several questionnaire items, including limitations due to difficulty with memory; difficulty walking without the use of special equipment; being unable to work, or being limited in the amount of work that can be accomplished, because of a physical, mental, or emotional problem; and difficulty handling the routine needs/activities of daily living.29 The summary variable was dichotomized as limited and not limited.
Health Behaviors The physical-activity measure was based on the NHIS questions that asked about the duration, intensity, and frequency of leisure-time physical activity.30 A single dichotomous measure was used to assess participation in physical activity: persons who engaged in no physical activity and persons who engaged in at least some leisure-time physical activity. Adults were classified as not engaging in any physical activity if they reported never participating in light-tomoderate or vigorous physical activity for 10 minutes or more at a time. Adult respondents were classified as having engaged in at least some leisure-time physical activity if they reported engaging in light-to-moderate or vigorous physical activity for at least 10 minutes at a time, regardless of frequency. Finally, alcohol use was assessed by asking a series of questions about the quantity and the frequency of alcohol use during a 12-month reference period.31 We used the measure current drinking status, which classified adult men according to 5 levels of alcohol use: nondrinkers (lifetime abstainers and former drinkers), current infrequent drinkers, light drinkers, moderate drinkers, and heavy drinkers. Because of sample size constraints, the infrequent, light, and moderate groups were combined into a single group for the bivariate analyses, and a dichotomous measure of current drinker (heavy, moderate, light, and infrequent combined) versus nondrinker was used in the logistic regression analyses.
Health Insurance
Health Care Utilization
Sociodemographic Factors Finally, a measure of employment status was included in our analyses. Information on employment was asked of respondents aged 18 years and older and was categorized as currently employed, currently unemployed, not in the labor force, and unknown employment status. Race and ethnicity were assessed with responses to a series of questions. Two questions about Hispanic ethnicity asked respondents first to self-identify as Hispanic/Latino or not and then to indicate type of Hispanic origin (e.g., Cuban, Mexican, Puerto Rican).32 Another question about race allowed a response to 14 categories, including Native American, Asian, and Pacific Islander population subgroups, in accordance with the 1997 standards issued by the Office of Management and Budget.30 These analyses were restricted to non-Hispanic/Latino persons who self-identified as either Black/African American or White.
Nativity Status We also included a question about length of residence in the United States as an explanatory variable. This measure was based on the following response categories: less than 1 year; 1 year to less than 5 years; 5 years to less than 10 years; 10 years to less than 15 years; and 15 or more years. This question was asked only of the sample adult respondents in the 1997 NHIS (as opposed to all persons); therefore, we used data from the 19982000 NHIS to allow inclusion of this information for all adults. In our analyses, only 19982000 NHIS data were used in tables and models that included this variable. Additionally, a combined measure of race and length of time in the United States was used in the logistic regression analyses as a control variable. Sample size limitations required us to simplify length of time in the United States to less than 5 years and 5 years or more, because foreign-born persons must reside in the United States for at least 5 years before they are eligible for US citizenship.
Statistical Analysis
Table 1
Similar numbers of foreign-born and US-born Black men reported an annual household income greater than $20 000 (64.7% vs 62.0%), but foreign-born Black men were less likely to report an income greater than $20 000 compared with US-born White men (78.7%). Foreign-born Black men also were more likely than either US-born Black or White men to live in larger households. Although foreign-born Black men were more likely than either US-born Black or White men to live in the Northeast, their concentration in central cities of metropolitan statistical areas was closer to that of US-born Black men. More than half of foreign-born Black men (55.2%) had lived in the United States for at least 15 years.
Table 2
Table 3
Table 4
Significantly lower odds of being a current smoker among foreign-born Black men compared with US-born White men also remained after adjustment for sociodemographic variables, although the odds of smoking for US-born Black men were similar to those for foreign-born Black men. For foreign-born Black men, the risk of smoking rose with increased length of time in the United States, although it remained significantly lower than that for US-born White men. Foreign-born Black men and US-born Black men also showed similar patterns of alcohol use, both groups having significantly lower odds of being current drinkers compared with US-born White men (net of all other factors in the models). Length of time in the United States did not appear to affect the odds of being a current drinker for foreign-born Black men. Foreign-born Black men and US-born White men had similar patterns of physical activity, although foreign-born Black men were more likely to report never participating in any type of physical activity. Finally, the higher odds of being uninsured among foreign-born Black men compared with either US-born Black or White men remained after adjustment for demographic and socioeconomic variables as well as employment status and overall health status. Length of time in the United States appeared to cut the odds of being uninsured by almost 50%, foreign-born Black men who had been in the United States 5 years or longer being less likely to be uninsured than were those who had been in the United States less than 5 years, relative to US-born White men. Still, the odds of being uninsured for foreign-born Black men remained twice as high as those of US-born Black men, who were comparable to US-born White men in their insurance status.
Our study demonstrated that foreign-born Black men report substantially better health than do US-born Black men and that their health status is similar to or slightly better than that of US-born White men across a number of health behaviors and health measures, including overall health status. Foreign-born Black men were much less likely to report being in fair or poor health compared with both US-born Black and White men, and they also were much less likely to report having any kind of functional limitation. In regard to the health behaviors examined, we found that foreign-born Black men were far less likely to be smokers than either US-born Black or White men. This finding is consistent with the results of King et al., who published 1 of the few studies on the health risk behaviors of Black immigrants.34 Examining data from the 19901994 NHIS, they found that foreign-born Black men were substantially less likely to smoke compared with US-born Black men. They also found that more recent immigrants (those who had been in the United States for less than 15 years) were less likely to smoke than were immigrants who had been in the United States for longer periods. The health variables examined in this studyself-assessed fair or poor overall health status, smoking, alcohol use, and functional limitationshave been associated with negative health outcomes, including excess mortality, and the favorable patterns observed in our analyses for foreign-born Blacks lead us to expect corresponding health advantages for foreign-born Blacks in mortality data. Indeed, our findings are consistent with those of a number of studies that have looked at differences in mortality for US-born and foreign-born populations. A series of studies that analyzed mortality data for New York City described a consistent pattern of lower mortality rates for foreign-born Black men and women compared with US-born Blacks, and in some cases foreign-born Black men and women had lower mortality rates than US-born Whites.1517 These studies found that the all-cause mortality rate for Caribbean-born men and women was about equal to that for White men and women who were born in the northeastern United States. Compared with White men born in the Northeast, Black men from the Caribbean had about a 25% lower rate of death from cardiovascular disease and a 50% lower rate of death from coronary heart disease but higher rates of death from stroke and hypertension.15 Singh and Siahpush analyzed national data from the National Longitudinal Mortality Study (19791989) and found that foreign-born Black men had a mortality risk 47% lower than those of US-born Black men.18 Furthermore, among those older than 65 years, the mortality risk for foreign-born Black men was almost 60% lower than that for US-born White men.19 At least some of the better health of foreign-born Black men when compared with US-born Black men in our study may be attributed to higher levels of education, which is an important component of socioeconomic status. However, our findings are consistent with those of other studies that have found the health advantage of foreign-born Black men to remain significant even when the analyses controlled for various measures of socioeconomic status.18,19 The research findings on the relative socioeconomic status of foreign-born Blacks are complex, but in general, studies on the socioeconomic status of foreign-born Blacks have found that, according to measures such as employment rates, occupational status, and education, foreign-born Black men enjoy higher socioeconomic status than US-born Black men, though this status is usually lower than that of US-born White men.3539 However, the findings for earnings differences have not consistently shown a large gap between US-born and foreign-born Black men. Furthermore, the socioeconomic advantage may not be present for all Black immigrant groups. In particular, Black immigrants from non-English-speaking countries generally have not done as well economically as those from the former British colonies.40 The patterns of better health status and higher socioeconomic status among foreign-born Black men compared with US-born Black men also may be explained by selective migration of healthier persons and those of higher socioeconomic status to the United States.41 A greater understanding of the role that selection plays in explaining the patterns of health and socioeconomic status that have been described in the United States ultimately will require data on the population that did not migrate, and these populations were outside the scope of our study. However, an analysis of data on infant mortality rates among women of Puerto Rican ethnicity within the continental United States found that Puerto Rican women born in Puerto Rico had lower infant mortality rates than did Puerto Rican women born on the mainland.42 Additional analysis of data on infant mortality rates among Puerto Rican women who did not migrate to the mainland suggested that selective migration might account for some of the differences in infant mortality rates that were observed among Puerto Rican women on the mainland. Although advantages in socioeconomic status and selective emigration provide plausible explanations for the favorable health outcomes of foreign-born Black men, other factors also might account for these differences. Several studies have suggested that sociocultural variables may strongly influence the health and the health behaviors of foreign-born persons.18,19,34,43 For example, cigarette smoking is less prevalent among African- and Caribbean-born Blacks than among US-born Blacks, which may be attributable to a strong cultural attitude toward smoking that is retained despite migration outside the country of birth.34 Additional variables, including lifestyle factors, dietary habits, social support networks, and cultural affiliations, also might play a role in explaining why foreign-born Black men appear to enjoy health advantages that their US-born counterparts do not. The pattern of higher levels of education among Black immigrant men makes their higher rates of uninsurance especially noteworthy. Most Americans receive health insurance from their place of employment. The higher rates of uninsurance among Black immigrant men in our study remained even after we controlled for employment status, income, and overall health status. Given the patterns of type of insurance among foreign-born Black men versus US-born Black and White men, the higher rates of uninsurance for foreign-born Black men may be at least partly related to difficulty qualifying for government-sponsored insurance. However, the availability of health insurance through employment, given the types of occupations held by foreign-born Blacks (and the likelihood of insurance coverage being available for these types of jobs), may play a role in the higher rates of uninsurance. Other studies have found that immigrants are among the US residents with the highest rates of uninsurance.44 An analysis of data from the 1998 Current Population Survey found that immigrants in general were much less likely to receive employer-sponsored health insurance and that immigrants who were not citizens were less likely to have public insurance.45 Among immigrants from Central America and the Caribbean, two major regions of origin for Black immigrants, the higher rates of uninsurance were largely explained by lack of employer coverage. Limitations to the data analyzed in our study should be taken into consideration in interpreting these findings. Limited sample sizes of foreign-born Black men were available, especially after the data were stratified by several variables. More extensive health care utilization variables were not available to describe in more detail the utilization patterns of the study participants. Although we did examine in the logistic regression analyses the role that length of time in the United States plays in health outcomes of foreign-born Black men, the sample size of foreign-born Black men was too small to be able to examine more fully how health status and health behaviors were affected by length of time in the United States. We also did not have more direct measures of acculturation available for use in these analyses. Information on items such as language spoken in the home, adherence to cultural customs in health behaviors, and affiliation with cultural organizations might help us to better understand the nonsocioeconomic dimensions of the differences between US-born and foreign-born Black men. High levels of missing data on the detailed income variable required us to use a more broadly defined income variable in our analyses. Foreign-born Black men had the largest proportion of missing data on income, and this proportion was significantly higher than for US-born Black and White men. These missing data limited our ability to fully assess the relationship between income and health outcomes for the foreign-born men in our study. Finally, we had minimal information on immigration status (documented vs undocumented), which might have prevented us from understanding more clearly the persistent differences in health insurance coverage between foreign-born Black men and US-born Black and White men. Despite these limitations, our findings make a significant contribution to the growing body of literature that addresses the health characteristics of Black immigrants. Additional research is needed to explore the reasons for the patterns we found, including how the outcomes examined in our study might differ for foreign-born Black women compared with US-born Black and White women. Future studies of the foreign-born Black population also might explore how the region of birth (e.g., Africa, Caribbean) might be related to overall health status, health behaviors, and health insurance coverage. As the foreign-born Black population in the United States continues to grow, it will become increasingly important to understand how foreign-born Blacks contribute to the health of the overall Black population and whether their short-term health advantages remain over the long term.
We would like the thank Eve Powell-Griner and Jennifer Madans for their insightful comments on earlier versions of this article. We would also like to thank the peer reviewers for the journal, who also provided very useful comments.
Human Participant Protection
Note. The authors are solely responsible for the content of this article, and the views expressed do not necessarily reflect those of the Centers for Disease Control and Prevention, the National Institutes of Health, or the Department of Health and Human Services.
Contributors Accepted for publication December 27, 2002.
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