© 2004 American Public Health Association
Mark S. Eberhardt and Elsie R. Pamuk with the National Center for Health Statistics, Centers for Disease Control and Prevention, Hyattsville, Md. Correspondence: Requests for reprints should be sent to Mark S. Eberhardt, PhD, National Center for Health Statistics, Centers for Disease Control and Prevention, 3311 Toledo Rd, Rm 6421, Hyattsville, MD 20782 (e-mail: mse1{at}cdc.gov).
We examined differences in health measures among rural, suburban, and urban residents and factors that contribute to these differences. Whereas differences between rural and urban residents were observed for some health measures, a consistent rural-to-urban gradient was not always found. Often, the most rural and the most urban areas were found to be disadvantaged compared with suburban areas. If health disparities are to be successfully addressed, the relationship between place of residence and health must be understood.
DURING THE PAST FEW decades, Americans have continued to experience improvements in health, such as decreased use of tobacco and increased life expectancy.1. The health of persons who live in rural areas also has improved, yet rural populations fare worse on many dimensions of health compared with populations at other levels of urbanization, particularly suburban populations.2,3 Documenting the extent and the nature of these disparities is necessary for the development of polices and programs designed to eliminate rural disadvantage.
The 2001 Urban and Rural Health Chartbook3 includes health data through 1998 and uses a 5-level rural-urban classification: central counties of large (population
The health of a population can be measured along many dimensions by indicators that reflect mortality, morbidity, overall well-being, lifestyle behaviors, and other health-related risk factors. While ruralurban differences do not exist for some health measures, and some adverse health measures are highest in urban areas (e.g., homicide),3 we examined health measures that showed a health disadvantage in rural areas. Moreover, research indicates that ruralurban health patterns are not always monotonic; often, the most rural and the most urban areas have higher rates of adverse health when compared with suburban areas.
Mortality
Compared with more highly urbanized counties, rural counties in the United States had higher death rates from unintentional injuries, suicide, and chronic obstructive pulmonary disease.3 The age-adjusted death rate for unintentional injuries among residents who lived in the most rural counties was 86% higher than the corresponding rate among suburban residents (Figure 1
Death rates for cardiovascular disease and cancer have been shown to be higher in rural areas within certain regions of the country. In rural areas, the heart disease mortality rate was highest in the South and was 25% higher than the rate among Southern suburban residents.3 One study in Appalachia found coronary heart disease death rates to be persistently higher in rural areas, despite the decline in heart disease mortality over the past few decades.6 Chronic heart disease death rates among African American females showed a 10-fold difference among counties where estimates were available. The highest rates tended to be among residents who lived in rural counties, especially among those who lived in the Mississippi River Delta.7 Stroke mortality also is higher among rural African Americans.8 Between 1994 and 1998, a study in Appalachia found that the overall cancer mortality rate among these rural residents was higher than the rate among the total US population.9
Morbidity and Chronic Health Conditions
Broader measures of health and well-being have shown that rural populations have poorer health status. In 1997 and 1998, 18% of rural adults (aged 18 years and older) reported chronic health conditions that caused activity limitation compared with 13% of adults who lived in suburban counties (Figure 2
Despite the higher suicide rate among rural county residents (Figure 1
Risk Factors
The prevalence of self-reported obesity in 1997 and 1998 was 28% higher among adults who lived in the most rural counties than among adults who lived in suburban counties (Figure 2 Demographic and socioeconomic factors, such as race, ethnicity, education, and income, also are strongly related to health and vary between rural and urban settings,3,22 and these factors contribute to health differences among rural and nonrural residents. In the West and the South, infant mortality rates in nonmetropolitan counties are higher than rates among infants born in metropolitan (particularly suburban) counties.3 Infants born to mothers who are American Indian/Alaska Native or African American have higher mortality rates than infants born to mothers of other race groups.1 In 1998, the combined population of these 2 race categories comprised 7% to 20% of the nonmetropolitan populations in the West and the South, respectively, compared with less than 3% of the nonmetropolitan populations in the Midwest and the Northeast. Thus, regional demographic differences account for a portion of the higher infant mortality rates in rural areas of the West and the South. Health insurance coverage also is related to rural health patterns. In 1997 and 1998, the proportion of the population that did not have health insurance was higher among residents of the most rural and the most urban counties than among residents in other areas.3 Nearly 21% of residents aged younger than 65 years who lived in the most rural counties reported being uninsured compared with 12% of suburban residents. Health insurance status is related to income,22 and the lower income levels in the most rural counties compared with suburban counties3 contribute to the difference in the proportion that is uninsured. The difference between suburban counties and the most rural counties in the proportion that did not have health insurance was reduced, but not eliminated, when insurance coverage was examined for those whose family incomes were below 200% of the federal poverty threshold (30% uninsured in suburban counties vs 34% in the most rural counties). Poor and near-poor rural residents also were less likely to report having Medicaid coverage than residents of the most urban counties (21% vs 30%). Among persons aged younger than 65 years whose family incomes were 200% of the federal poverty threshold or higher, 11% of residents in the most rural counties lacked health insurance versus 7% of suburban county residents. Thus, lower incomes were partially responsible for the higher proportion of uninsured persons in rural counties. Differences in occupation and employment also are likely to have contributed to the higher proportion of rural residents who lacked health insurance. Fewer rural residents obtained private insurance through their workplaces than suburban residents.3 In 1997 and 1998, 62% of nonmetropolitan residents aged younger than 65 years reported that they obtained private health insurance through their workplace compared with 75% of suburban residents.
In 2000, nearly 50 million US residents lived in nonmetropolitan counties.23 Evidence exists that, compared with residents at other levels of urbanization, these rural residents fare worse on many indicators of population health. Higher death rates from unintentional injuries, chronic obstructive pulmonary disease, and suicide contribute to higher overall death rates among rural residents compared with suburban residents. Modifiable risk factors, such as obesity and smoking, are more common among rural residents and are related to higher mortality rates and prevalence of chronic health conditions in rural areas. Rural residence does not always confer a health disparity; urban areas fare worse than other areas on some health indicators (e.g., homicide). The most urban and the most rural areas share common concerns, such as higher infant mortality rates and lack of health insurance. Differences in health status may reflect socioeconomic and demographic differences across levels of urbanization, and these differences vary by region.3 Other factors, such as geographic differences in dietary preferences among rural areas, also may be involved. An improved understanding of these cultural factors will assist in efforts to reduce health disparities. The National Rural Health Association has called for continued rural health research,24 which will help document progress toward reducing rural health disparities. Continued monitoring also will identify areas of persistent rural disadvantage and emerging rural health concerns. Monitoring national health objectives through the Healthy People 2010 initiative includes assessments of some measures by urbanization levels,25 and the new Rural Healthy People 2010 initiative26 will expand this effort. The ability to assess trends in the health of rural populations compared with more urban populations is affected by changes in how rural and nonrural residence is determined. The most recent OMB metropolitan-area classification system extensively revised the rules for determining metropolitan and nonmetropolitan status.27 According to the 1993 OMB definition of metropolitan areas, there was a 10% increase between 1990 and 2000 in nonmetropolitan population size, from 50 to 55 million.23 However, new metropolitan designations27 and county population changes during that decade have reclassified previously nonmetropolitan counties as metropolitan, and these reclassifications reduced the nonmetropolitan population in 2000 to 49 million.28 The nonmetropolitan population would have been even smaller after the new classification had there not been a net gain in population as a result of migration into nonmetropolitan areas between 1995 and 2000.29 Perhaps more important for the assessment of health disparities across levels of urbanization is the ability to identify the fringe/suburban counties of large metropolitan areas. According to data from the late 1990s, this category often included the healthiest populations.3 This category is important when determining the full extent of health differences across populations on the basis of area of residence. The recent OMB and urban influence code classifications did not permit this level of disaggregation. Efforts to reevaluate ruralurban patterns in health in accordance with the new OMB metropolitan criteria and the updated USDA classifications for rural and urban areas are just beginning.28 Preliminary analyses of national data show that patterns in variation in health indicators previously reported3 tend to persist when the most recent health data (for years 20002002) are categorized by the 1993 OMB metropolitan-area definitions and urban influence codes. Additionally, the patterns that were observed when the new categories of urbanization (2003 OMB classification system and revised urban influence codes) were used also led to conclusions generally similar to those when the older rules and categories were used, but the full range of variation was obscured by not distinguishing suburban counties. A more complete exploration of the impact of these new definitions is needed to fully understand trends in ruralurban health disparities.
On some key measures of health, residents of rural areas fare worse than residents of more urbanized areas. Many factors are related to rural health disparities, including demographic and socioeconomic characteristics, health risk factors, and health care access. Differences in health status often do not exhibit a monotonic pattern between rural and urban areas, and the greatest differences usually occur between rural and suburban areas. Therefore, accurately characterizing health disparities across the ruralurban continuum will require measures of urbanization that include a suburban category. Continued rural health research will document progress toward eliminating the health disadvantage of rural areas and will provide information to policymakers who seek more efficient targeting of limited public health resources.
The authors wish to thank Cathy Duran and Dr Jennifer Parker for their invaluable assistance in the preparation of this article.
Contributors M. S. Eberhardt obtained and reviewed the commentary findings and led the writing. E. R. Pamuk assisted with outline development and writing. Both authors originated ideas, interpreted findings, and reviewed drafts of the article. Accepted for publication May 29, 2004.
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